Sudarsono says elections in Myanmar wouldn’t reduce Army’s role
JAKARTA, Bloomberg
Defense Minister Juwono Sudarsono said forcing Myanmar to hold elections wouldn't reduce the role of the military, even as the United Nations asked the ruling junta to agree to a timetable for political change.
The world can't force a system “that is alien to the local culture,” Sudarsono, 65, said in an interview in Jakarta. “For all its faults, the military at the moment remains the unifying force and covers most of the levers of power, political, economic and also cultural.”
International pressure on Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, has increased after General Than Shwe's regime cracked down on the biggest anti-government demonstrations in almost 20 years in September, resulting in more than 100 deaths, according to the UN. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations, of which Myanmar is a member, has refused to impose sanctions on the military, which has been shunned by western nations over its human rights record.
“I don't think ASEAN is very serious about addressing the issue of Myanmar,” said Hiro Katsumata, an analyst at Singapore’s S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies.
In the interview, Sudarsono said that elections in Burma could be one way of moving toward democracy. “But it must be followed by (the new government) having the levers of power, political, administrative as well as economic,” Sudarsono said.
ASEAN is keen to keep Myanmar in its fold and avoid allowing China to expand its influence in the Indian Ocean, Katsumata said.
“If Myanmar is spurned by ASEAN and looks toward China ASEAN will loose out in its geopolitical interest and influence,'' Katsumata said.
Myanmar, which has been ruled by the junta for 45 years, shares its border with China, India and ASEAN members such as Thailand. The nation walked out of the Non-Aligned Movement in 1979 and only returned when Indonesia took over chairmanship of the organization in 1992.
“We have been engaging Myanmar persuasively and quietly to implement its own road to democracy as distinct from the west's sanctions,'' said Ali Alatas, an adviser to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and a former foreign minister. Still, “both the sanctions approach as well as the ASEAN approach have failed to move the Myanmar government.''
Myanmar has been under international sanctions since it rejected the results of elections in 1990 won by Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party. Suu Kyi, 62, has spent 12 years detention since then.
“There is a need for a transition period in which, in some way, the military would play a power-sharing role and gradually get out of the picture, as happened in Indonesia,'' said Alatas, who was the UN's special envoy to Myanmar in 2005. Indonesia was controlled by its military from 1965 to 1998.
Lawmakers from seven countries urged ASEAN to impose sanctions on Myanmar and also called on the group to adopt a strong charter at its summit in Singapore this month to better deal with Myanmar.
A draft of the charter obtained by Bloomberg News calls for an extension of ASEAN's four-decade-old policy of decision by consensus and non-interference in individual country's affairs.
November 15, 2007
Thursday, November 15, 2007
Tuesday, November 13, 2007
Prof. Dr. Azrul Azwar, MPH
Mantan Dirjen Binkesmas, Depkes, ini memang a fascinating guy. Menurut Antara, ia "menyerahkan begitu saja" tanah milik Pramuka--gerakan yang kini cuma sayup-sayup terdengar kiprahnya tapi konon punya anggota tak kurang dari 21 juta di seluruh Indonesia--kepada LIPI menyusul pertikaian berlarut-larut atas tanah seluas lebih dari 8,000 meter persegi di Cibodas antara Pramuka dan LIPI.
"Anggap saja ini pengorbanan Pramuka," katanya sebagaimana dikutip kantor berita yang usianya lebih tua dari republik ini.
Bukan Azrul memang jika tak berani "tampil beda". Dalam banyak hal memang ia masih kerap membawa semangat para aktivis, mungkin karena sejak masa sekolah pun ia sudah aktif berorganisasi.
Tapi lepas dari kebiasaannya untuk kerap tampil beda, Azrul yang ketua Kwarnas Pramuka itu, is, by any standard, a really smart guy.
Dia bisa memetakan persoalan yang begitu rumit menjadi sangat mudah dipahami dan sangat workable ketika menjabat sebagai Dirjen Binkesmas.
Dalam beberapa kesempatan aku sempat berinteraksi agak intensif dengan "Pak Azrul" dan aku mesti bilang: GilaaaK...Nih orang asyiikkk betul!
Makanya ketika pada 2005 (atau waktu ity 2006?) aku dengar dia terkena serangan jantung, aku jadi ikutan cemas juga, jangan-jangan negeri ini akan lagi-lagi kehilangan "aset"-nya secara terlalu dini.
Alhamdulillah itu tidak terjadi.
Terus berkiprah ya prof.!
This nation needs you still!
"Anggap saja ini pengorbanan Pramuka," katanya sebagaimana dikutip kantor berita yang usianya lebih tua dari republik ini.
Bukan Azrul memang jika tak berani "tampil beda". Dalam banyak hal memang ia masih kerap membawa semangat para aktivis, mungkin karena sejak masa sekolah pun ia sudah aktif berorganisasi.
Tapi lepas dari kebiasaannya untuk kerap tampil beda, Azrul yang ketua Kwarnas Pramuka itu, is, by any standard, a really smart guy.
Dia bisa memetakan persoalan yang begitu rumit menjadi sangat mudah dipahami dan sangat workable ketika menjabat sebagai Dirjen Binkesmas.
Dalam beberapa kesempatan aku sempat berinteraksi agak intensif dengan "Pak Azrul" dan aku mesti bilang: GilaaaK...Nih orang asyiikkk betul!
Makanya ketika pada 2005 (atau waktu ity 2006?) aku dengar dia terkena serangan jantung, aku jadi ikutan cemas juga, jangan-jangan negeri ini akan lagi-lagi kehilangan "aset"-nya secara terlalu dini.
Alhamdulillah itu tidak terjadi.
Terus berkiprah ya prof.!
This nation needs you still!
Gus Dur: In His Own Words
My Islam, Your Islam, Our Islam, Their Islam
By K.H. Abdurrahman Wahid
As may be obvious to readers of this forum, a wide variety of opinions exists as to the nature and teachings of Islam, even among those widely regarded as experts. Rather than view Islam and its teachings as a single monolithic entity, it is more accurate to recognize and acknowledge the de facto plurality of opinions that have always existed as to what Islam is, and what it “compels” you, me or us to do.
The personal experiences of any one human being can never be exactly identical with those of anyone else. These experiences invariably color the understanding and perceptions of those who have them, within the context of their respective religious traditions. I myself have undergone a continual process of transformation regarding my personal understanding of Islam from the time of earliest childhood until today.
From this I conclude that the Islam which I conceive and experience is unique to me, and may rightly be termed, “My Islam.” The character of My Islam is the outgrowth of my cumulative personal experience, which it may be appropriate to share, but never to force upon others. Should I try to force my personal understanding of Islam and its teachings upon others, the result will inevitably be a serious “dislocation” for those so affected, annihilating the perceived beauty and joy of their own respective opinions.
A vast diversity of opinions about Islam are held by my fellow Muslims, which they are free, in turn, to share with me. I may or may not agree with them, but the result of such interaction invariably becomes another element of my own personal understanding and experience, and of theirs. For example, those wishing to “purify” Islam from so-called bid’a, or innovation, may reject the use of a drum to issue the call to prayer, reverence of saints, or even the use of a rosary while reciting the names of God.
Thus we may refer to others’ personal experience and understanding of Islam as “Your Islam,” and go through life adopting or politely refusing to adopt any given element thereof.
Muslims refer to this process of mutual visitation, sharing and growth by its Arabic term, silaturrahim, which means “to relate in an attitude of mutual affection.” Such sharing of views may or may not produce what we might call “Our Islam,” dependent on the respective understanding and experiences of those involved, but at least it fosters mutual respect and tolerance of differences.
Unfortunately, the Muslim world today is afflicted by a crisis in which the tradition of silaturrahim is being replaced by attempts to force one’s own views of Islam onto others. For me personally, “Their Islam” is a fair term to describe the views of those who would annihilate the great beauty and diversity of traditional Islam in the name of an artificial and enforced conformity to their own rigid opinions. For such people, Our Islam is a misnomer, for in fact they seek to enforce – through intimidation and violence – a colorless, monolithic uniformity that does not and has never existed in the long history of Islam.
The desire for Our Islam appears to be inherent in the nature of most Muslims. Yet the only realistic way to establish such a phenomenon is for My Islam and Your Islam to peacefully coexist in mutual respect and toleration, without trying to annihilate our differences.
Rather than seek to repress or destroy the nearly infinite, beautiful variety of God’s creation, we would be better advised to pursue al-jihad al-akbar and annihilate our own egos, so that we may unite in a common spiritual apprehension of the One—which gives rise to inner peace and a joyful tolerance of differences here on earth.
However, those who care about the future of Our Islam on this earthly plane would be well advised to unite in rejecting the use of Islam as an ideology, or a weapon to violate the sanctity of Your Islam and mine.
By K.H. Abdurrahman Wahid
As may be obvious to readers of this forum, a wide variety of opinions exists as to the nature and teachings of Islam, even among those widely regarded as experts. Rather than view Islam and its teachings as a single monolithic entity, it is more accurate to recognize and acknowledge the de facto plurality of opinions that have always existed as to what Islam is, and what it “compels” you, me or us to do.
The personal experiences of any one human being can never be exactly identical with those of anyone else. These experiences invariably color the understanding and perceptions of those who have them, within the context of their respective religious traditions. I myself have undergone a continual process of transformation regarding my personal understanding of Islam from the time of earliest childhood until today.
From this I conclude that the Islam which I conceive and experience is unique to me, and may rightly be termed, “My Islam.” The character of My Islam is the outgrowth of my cumulative personal experience, which it may be appropriate to share, but never to force upon others. Should I try to force my personal understanding of Islam and its teachings upon others, the result will inevitably be a serious “dislocation” for those so affected, annihilating the perceived beauty and joy of their own respective opinions.
A vast diversity of opinions about Islam are held by my fellow Muslims, which they are free, in turn, to share with me. I may or may not agree with them, but the result of such interaction invariably becomes another element of my own personal understanding and experience, and of theirs. For example, those wishing to “purify” Islam from so-called bid’a, or innovation, may reject the use of a drum to issue the call to prayer, reverence of saints, or even the use of a rosary while reciting the names of God.
Thus we may refer to others’ personal experience and understanding of Islam as “Your Islam,” and go through life adopting or politely refusing to adopt any given element thereof.
Muslims refer to this process of mutual visitation, sharing and growth by its Arabic term, silaturrahim, which means “to relate in an attitude of mutual affection.” Such sharing of views may or may not produce what we might call “Our Islam,” dependent on the respective understanding and experiences of those involved, but at least it fosters mutual respect and tolerance of differences.
Unfortunately, the Muslim world today is afflicted by a crisis in which the tradition of silaturrahim is being replaced by attempts to force one’s own views of Islam onto others. For me personally, “Their Islam” is a fair term to describe the views of those who would annihilate the great beauty and diversity of traditional Islam in the name of an artificial and enforced conformity to their own rigid opinions. For such people, Our Islam is a misnomer, for in fact they seek to enforce – through intimidation and violence – a colorless, monolithic uniformity that does not and has never existed in the long history of Islam.
The desire for Our Islam appears to be inherent in the nature of most Muslims. Yet the only realistic way to establish such a phenomenon is for My Islam and Your Islam to peacefully coexist in mutual respect and toleration, without trying to annihilate our differences.
Rather than seek to repress or destroy the nearly infinite, beautiful variety of God’s creation, we would be better advised to pursue al-jihad al-akbar and annihilate our own egos, so that we may unite in a common spiritual apprehension of the One—which gives rise to inner peace and a joyful tolerance of differences here on earth.
However, those who care about the future of Our Islam on this earthly plane would be well advised to unite in rejecting the use of Islam as an ideology, or a weapon to violate the sanctity of Your Islam and mine.
Monday, November 12, 2007
MMC
It was not until recently that I decided to go to MMC not because somebody I knew was hospitalized there. I came to the hospital because I needed to. I didn't know where else I could reach Muki Reksoprodjo, the only obsgyn I could--actually "can" is the better word--feel comfortable with.
So, for the very first time, I registered myself at MMC, was given a card that cost me Rp25,000 or something and, was finally "allowed" to see Dr. Reksoprodjo. The whole process cost almost half a million rupiah, quite a large amount by my standard today.
Gee, how I hate hospitals! Even if it is called MMC where some of my friends have undergone treatments as in-patients.
I know quite a lot of very important people have been treated--or have died--there. Still, a hospital is a hospital, something I will always try to avoid "to the best of my ability."
You can imagine how relieved I'm when finally Dr. Reksoprodjo said that the only thing I needed to do (unless of course I felt something "very unusual" with "that" particular part of my body) was to have a regular check-up.
Well, at least one of my sources of headache is gone, at least for now.
But still it cannot erase the facts that there are still so many things that I must do ... and I better be hurry in finishing them because what has happened in the last 10 months did remind me of "mortality"--kefanaan.
So, for the very first time, I registered myself at MMC, was given a card that cost me Rp25,000 or something and, was finally "allowed" to see Dr. Reksoprodjo. The whole process cost almost half a million rupiah, quite a large amount by my standard today.
Gee, how I hate hospitals! Even if it is called MMC where some of my friends have undergone treatments as in-patients.
I know quite a lot of very important people have been treated--or have died--there. Still, a hospital is a hospital, something I will always try to avoid "to the best of my ability."
You can imagine how relieved I'm when finally Dr. Reksoprodjo said that the only thing I needed to do (unless of course I felt something "very unusual" with "that" particular part of my body) was to have a regular check-up.
Well, at least one of my sources of headache is gone, at least for now.
But still it cannot erase the facts that there are still so many things that I must do ... and I better be hurry in finishing them because what has happened in the last 10 months did remind me of "mortality"--kefanaan.
Something I found on my recent internet journey...
... that probably reflects the company my friends and I are desperately trying to keep floating!
good ship
we shall build a good ship here
at a profit if we can
at a loss if we must
but ... always a good ship
good ship
we shall build a good ship here
at a profit if we can
at a loss if we must
but ... always a good ship
Sunday, November 11, 2007
Respects
We were a bit startled when we read a news report by a major national daily quoting the president as saying that senior military leaders should respect their juniors.
The statement came several days after some retired high-ranking military officers, led by former commander of the Indonesian Armed Forces and vice president, Try Sutrisno, criticized President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono for his apparent lack of focus in carrying out his tasks as the country’s top executive.
Such a criticism actually has been aired and quoted by the media on several occasions before. In fact, it was not only the senior military leaders who criticized the president because some academics, politicians, analysts had also done the same thing.
Therefore, it was not really clear why the president specifically asked the senior military leaders to respect their juniors—something which must be read as those with military background and today still hold public offices—but did not ask the same thing from others.
We were confused because, in our humble opinion, Yudhoyono could have just treated the criticisms by his senior as the normal political exercises in today’s democratic Indonesia. Therefore, he could have just listened and digested whether there was any truth in them. If not, he could simply ignore them. If there was, he should do something about it.
Everything became even more confusing because the president could also be seen as somebody who asked for respects while we believe that respects are something that he must win, not ask.
Respects can easily come for government officials—especially Yudhoyono who won the presidency by popular supports—if they work hard to fulfill their promises, if they stay on track to reach the commonly agreed objectives, and if they can continue to listen to people’s aspirations.
Yudhoyono, we believe, has the capacity to win all the respects he wants because he is an intellectual and is known to be a die-hard supporter of democratic principles and he surely can make bold decisions—if he wants to.
He still has at least 1.5 years to go to further boost the spirit to fulfill his promises and reach the set objectives.
Of course, 1.5 years is not a very long period but it will be enough for him to meet most of people’s expectations before he enters another battle field: the 2009 presidential race.
The statement came several days after some retired high-ranking military officers, led by former commander of the Indonesian Armed Forces and vice president, Try Sutrisno, criticized President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono for his apparent lack of focus in carrying out his tasks as the country’s top executive.
Such a criticism actually has been aired and quoted by the media on several occasions before. In fact, it was not only the senior military leaders who criticized the president because some academics, politicians, analysts had also done the same thing.
Therefore, it was not really clear why the president specifically asked the senior military leaders to respect their juniors—something which must be read as those with military background and today still hold public offices—but did not ask the same thing from others.
We were confused because, in our humble opinion, Yudhoyono could have just treated the criticisms by his senior as the normal political exercises in today’s democratic Indonesia. Therefore, he could have just listened and digested whether there was any truth in them. If not, he could simply ignore them. If there was, he should do something about it.
Everything became even more confusing because the president could also be seen as somebody who asked for respects while we believe that respects are something that he must win, not ask.
Respects can easily come for government officials—especially Yudhoyono who won the presidency by popular supports—if they work hard to fulfill their promises, if they stay on track to reach the commonly agreed objectives, and if they can continue to listen to people’s aspirations.
Yudhoyono, we believe, has the capacity to win all the respects he wants because he is an intellectual and is known to be a die-hard supporter of democratic principles and he surely can make bold decisions—if he wants to.
He still has at least 1.5 years to go to further boost the spirit to fulfill his promises and reach the set objectives.
Of course, 1.5 years is not a very long period but it will be enough for him to meet most of people’s expectations before he enters another battle field: the 2009 presidential race.
Saturday, November 10, 2007
Tuanku Imam Bonjol -- REVISITED
ABOUT HERO, HEROISM, HUMAN IMPERFECTNESS AND HISTORICAL INTEPRETATION .... (IN BAHASA INDONESIA)!
Imam Bonjol, Dikenang Sekaligus Digugat
Oleh Suryadi
Selama 62 tahun Indonesia merdeka, nama Tuanku Imam Bonjol hadir di ruang publik bangsa: sebagai nama jalan, nama stadion, nama universitas, bahkan di lembaran Rp5.000 keluaran Bank Indonesia 6 November 2001.
Tuanku Imam Bonjol (TIB) (1722-1864), yang diangkat sebagai pahlawan nasional berdasarkam SK Presiden RI Nomor 087/TK/Tahun 1973, 6 November 1973, adalah pemimpin utama Perang Paderi di Sumatera Barat (1803-1837) yang gigih melawan Belanda.
Namun, baru-baru ini muncul petisi, menggugat gelar kepahlawanannya. TIB dituduh melanggar HAM karena pasukan Paderi menginvasi Tanah Batak (1816-1833) yang menewaskan "jutaan" orang di daerah itu (http://www.petitiononline.com/bonjol/petition.html).
Kekejaman Paderi disorot dengan diterbitkannya buku MO Parlindungan, Pongkinangolngolan Sinamabela Gelar Tuanku Rao: Teror Agama Islam Mazhab Hambali di Tanah Batak, 1816-1833 (2006) (Edisi pertama terbit 1964, yang telah dikritisi Hamka, 1974), kemudian menyusul karya Basyral Hamidy Harahap, Greget Tuanku Rao (2007).
Kedua penulisnya, kebetulan dari Tanah Batak, menceritakan penderitaan nenek moyangnya dan orang Batak umumnya selama serangan tentara Paderi 1816-1833 di daerah Mandailing, Bakkara, dan sekitarnya (Tempo, Oktober 2007).
Munculnya koreksi terhadap wacana sejarah Indonesia belakangan ini mencuatkan kritisisme terhadap konsep pahlawan nasional. Kaum intelektual dan akademis, khususnya sejarawan, adalah pihak yang paling bertanggung jawab jika evaluasi wacana historis itu hanya mengakibatkan munculnya friksi di tingkat dasar yang berpotensi
memecah belah bangsa ini.
Ujung pena kaum akademis harus tajam, tetapi teks-teks hasil torehannya seyogianya tidak mengandung "hawa panas". Itu sebabnya dalam tradisi akademis, kata-kata bernuansa subyektif dalam teks ilmiah harus disingkirkan si penulis.
Setiap generasi berhak menafsirkan sejarah (bangsa)-nya sendiri. Namun, generasi baru bangsa ini-yang hidup dalam imaji globalisme-harus menyadari, negara-bangsa apa pun di dunia memerlukan mitos-mitos pengukuhan. Mitos pengukuhan itu tidak buruk. Ia adalah unsur penting yang di-ada-kan sebagai "perekat" bangsa. Sosok pahlawan nasional, seperti Pangeran Diponegoro, Sultan Hasanuddin, Sisingamangaraja XII, juga TIB, dan lainnya adalah bagian dari mitos pengukuhan bangsa Indonesia.
Jeffrey Hadler dalam "An History of Violence and Secular State in Indonesia: Tuanku Imam Bondjol and Uses of History" (akan terbit dalam Journal of Asian Studies, 2008) menunjukkan, kepahlawanan TIB telah dibentuk sejak awal kemerdekaan hingga zaman Orde Baru, setidaknya terkait tiga kepentingan.
Pertama, menciptakan mitos tokoh hero yang gigih melawan Belanda sebagai bagian wacana historis pemersatu bangsa.
Kedua, mengeliminasi wacana radikalisme Islam dalam upaya menciptakan negara-bangsa yang toleran terhadap keragaman agama dan budaya.
Ketiga, "merangkul" kembali etnis Minang ke haribaan Indonesia yang telah mendapat stigma negatif dalam pandangan pusat akibat peristiwa PRRI.
Kita tak yakin, sudah adakah biji zarah keindonesiaan di zaman perjuangan TIB dan tokoh lokal lain yang hidup sezaman dengannya, yang kini dikenal sebagai pahlawan nasional.
Kita juga tahu pada zaman itu perbudakan adalah bagian sistem sosial dan beberapa kerajaan tradisional Nusantara melakukan ekspansi teritorial dengan menyerang beberapa kerajaan tetangga. Para pemimpin lokal berperang melawan Belanda karena didorong semangat kedaerahan, bahkan mungkin dilatarbelakangi keinginan untuk mempertahankan hegemoni sebagai penguasa yang mendapat saingan akibat kedatangan bangsa Barat. Namun, mereka akhirnya menjadi pahlawan nasional karena bangsa memerlukan mitos pemersatu.
Tak dapat dimungkiri, Perang Paderi meninggalkan kenangan heroik sekaligus traumatis dalam memori bangsa. Selama sekitar 20 tahun pertama perang itu (1803-1821) praktis yang berbunuhan adalah sesama orang Minangkabau dan Mandailing atau Batak umumnya.
Campur tangan Belanda dalam perang itu ditandai dengan penyerangan Simawang dan Sulit Air oleh pasukan Kapten Goffinet dan Kapten Dienema awal April 1821 atas perintah Residen James du Puy di Padang. Kompeni melibatkan diri dalam perang itu karena "diundang" kaum Adat.
Pada 21 Februari 1821 mereka resmi menyerahkan wilayah darek (pedalaman Minangkabau) kepada Kompeni dalam perjanjian yang diteken di Padang, sebagai kompensasi kepada Belanda yang bersedia membantu melawan kaum Paderi. Ikut "mengundang" sisa keluarga Dinasti Pagaruyung di bawah pimpinan Sultan Muningsyah yang selamat dari pembunuhan oleh pasukan Paderi yang dipimpin Tuanku Pasaman di Koto Tangah, dekat Batu Sangkar, pada 1815 (bukan 1803 seperti disebut Parlindungan, 2007:136-41).
Namun, sejak awal 1833 perang berubah menjadi perang antara kaum Adat dan kaum Agama melawan Belanda. Memorie Tuanku Imam Bonjol (MTIB)- transliterasinya oleh Sjafnir Aboe Nain (Padang: PPIM, 2004), sebuah sumber pribumi yang penting tentang Perang Paderi yang cenderung diabaikan sejarawan selama ini-mencatat, bagaimana kedua pihak bahu-membahu melawan Belanda.
Pihak-pihak yang semula bertentangan akhirnya bersatu melawan Belanda. Di ujung penyesalan muncul kesadaran, mengundang Belanda dalam konflik justru menyengsarakan masyarakat Minangkabau sendiri.
Dalam MTIB, terefleksi rasa penyesalan TIB atas tindakan kaum Paderi atas sesama orang Minang dan Mandailing. TIB sadar, perjuangannya sudah melenceng dari ajaran agama. "Adapun hukum Kitabullah banyaklah yang terlampau dek oleh kita. Bagaimana pikiran kita?" (Adapun banyak hukum Kitabullah yang sudah terlangkahi oleh kita. Bagaimana pikiran kalian?), tulis TIB dalam MTIB (hal 39).
Penyesalan dan perjuangan heroik TIB bersama pengikutnya melawan Belanda yang mengepung Bonjol dari segala jurusan selama sekitar enam bulan (16 Maret-17 Agustus 1837)-seperti rinci dilaporkan De Salis dalam Het einde Padri Oorlog: Het beleg en de vermeestering van Bondjol 1834-1837: Een bronnenpublicatie [Akhir Perang Paderi: Pengepungan dan Perampasan Bonjol 1834-1837; Sebuah Publikasi Sumber] (2004):
59-183-mungkin dapat dijadikan pertimbangan untuk memberi maaf bagi kesalahan dan kekhilafan yang telah diperbuat TIB.
Kini bangsa inilah yang harus menentukan, apakah TIB akan tetap ditempatkan atau diturunkan dari "tandu kepahlawanan nasional" yang telah "diarak" oleh generasi terdahulu bangsa ini dalam kolektif memori mereka.
Suryadi Dosen dan Peneliti pada Opleiding Talen en Culturen van Zuidoost-Azië en Oceanië, Universiteit Leiden, Belanda
Kompas - 10 November 2007
Imam Bonjol, Dikenang Sekaligus Digugat
Oleh Suryadi
Selama 62 tahun Indonesia merdeka, nama Tuanku Imam Bonjol hadir di ruang publik bangsa: sebagai nama jalan, nama stadion, nama universitas, bahkan di lembaran Rp5.000 keluaran Bank Indonesia 6 November 2001.
Tuanku Imam Bonjol (TIB) (1722-1864), yang diangkat sebagai pahlawan nasional berdasarkam SK Presiden RI Nomor 087/TK/Tahun 1973, 6 November 1973, adalah pemimpin utama Perang Paderi di Sumatera Barat (1803-1837) yang gigih melawan Belanda.
Namun, baru-baru ini muncul petisi, menggugat gelar kepahlawanannya. TIB dituduh melanggar HAM karena pasukan Paderi menginvasi Tanah Batak (1816-1833) yang menewaskan "jutaan" orang di daerah itu (http://www.petitiononline.com/bonjol/petition.html).
Kekejaman Paderi disorot dengan diterbitkannya buku MO Parlindungan, Pongkinangolngolan Sinamabela Gelar Tuanku Rao: Teror Agama Islam Mazhab Hambali di Tanah Batak, 1816-1833 (2006) (Edisi pertama terbit 1964, yang telah dikritisi Hamka, 1974), kemudian menyusul karya Basyral Hamidy Harahap, Greget Tuanku Rao (2007).
Kedua penulisnya, kebetulan dari Tanah Batak, menceritakan penderitaan nenek moyangnya dan orang Batak umumnya selama serangan tentara Paderi 1816-1833 di daerah Mandailing, Bakkara, dan sekitarnya (Tempo, Oktober 2007).
Munculnya koreksi terhadap wacana sejarah Indonesia belakangan ini mencuatkan kritisisme terhadap konsep pahlawan nasional. Kaum intelektual dan akademis, khususnya sejarawan, adalah pihak yang paling bertanggung jawab jika evaluasi wacana historis itu hanya mengakibatkan munculnya friksi di tingkat dasar yang berpotensi
memecah belah bangsa ini.
Ujung pena kaum akademis harus tajam, tetapi teks-teks hasil torehannya seyogianya tidak mengandung "hawa panas". Itu sebabnya dalam tradisi akademis, kata-kata bernuansa subyektif dalam teks ilmiah harus disingkirkan si penulis.
Setiap generasi berhak menafsirkan sejarah (bangsa)-nya sendiri. Namun, generasi baru bangsa ini-yang hidup dalam imaji globalisme-harus menyadari, negara-bangsa apa pun di dunia memerlukan mitos-mitos pengukuhan. Mitos pengukuhan itu tidak buruk. Ia adalah unsur penting yang di-ada-kan sebagai "perekat" bangsa. Sosok pahlawan nasional, seperti Pangeran Diponegoro, Sultan Hasanuddin, Sisingamangaraja XII, juga TIB, dan lainnya adalah bagian dari mitos pengukuhan bangsa Indonesia.
Jeffrey Hadler dalam "An History of Violence and Secular State in Indonesia: Tuanku Imam Bondjol and Uses of History" (akan terbit dalam Journal of Asian Studies, 2008) menunjukkan, kepahlawanan TIB telah dibentuk sejak awal kemerdekaan hingga zaman Orde Baru, setidaknya terkait tiga kepentingan.
Pertama, menciptakan mitos tokoh hero yang gigih melawan Belanda sebagai bagian wacana historis pemersatu bangsa.
Kedua, mengeliminasi wacana radikalisme Islam dalam upaya menciptakan negara-bangsa yang toleran terhadap keragaman agama dan budaya.
Ketiga, "merangkul" kembali etnis Minang ke haribaan Indonesia yang telah mendapat stigma negatif dalam pandangan pusat akibat peristiwa PRRI.
Kita tak yakin, sudah adakah biji zarah keindonesiaan di zaman perjuangan TIB dan tokoh lokal lain yang hidup sezaman dengannya, yang kini dikenal sebagai pahlawan nasional.
Kita juga tahu pada zaman itu perbudakan adalah bagian sistem sosial dan beberapa kerajaan tradisional Nusantara melakukan ekspansi teritorial dengan menyerang beberapa kerajaan tetangga. Para pemimpin lokal berperang melawan Belanda karena didorong semangat kedaerahan, bahkan mungkin dilatarbelakangi keinginan untuk mempertahankan hegemoni sebagai penguasa yang mendapat saingan akibat kedatangan bangsa Barat. Namun, mereka akhirnya menjadi pahlawan nasional karena bangsa memerlukan mitos pemersatu.
Tak dapat dimungkiri, Perang Paderi meninggalkan kenangan heroik sekaligus traumatis dalam memori bangsa. Selama sekitar 20 tahun pertama perang itu (1803-1821) praktis yang berbunuhan adalah sesama orang Minangkabau dan Mandailing atau Batak umumnya.
Campur tangan Belanda dalam perang itu ditandai dengan penyerangan Simawang dan Sulit Air oleh pasukan Kapten Goffinet dan Kapten Dienema awal April 1821 atas perintah Residen James du Puy di Padang. Kompeni melibatkan diri dalam perang itu karena "diundang" kaum Adat.
Pada 21 Februari 1821 mereka resmi menyerahkan wilayah darek (pedalaman Minangkabau) kepada Kompeni dalam perjanjian yang diteken di Padang, sebagai kompensasi kepada Belanda yang bersedia membantu melawan kaum Paderi. Ikut "mengundang" sisa keluarga Dinasti Pagaruyung di bawah pimpinan Sultan Muningsyah yang selamat dari pembunuhan oleh pasukan Paderi yang dipimpin Tuanku Pasaman di Koto Tangah, dekat Batu Sangkar, pada 1815 (bukan 1803 seperti disebut Parlindungan, 2007:136-41).
Namun, sejak awal 1833 perang berubah menjadi perang antara kaum Adat dan kaum Agama melawan Belanda. Memorie Tuanku Imam Bonjol (MTIB)- transliterasinya oleh Sjafnir Aboe Nain (Padang: PPIM, 2004), sebuah sumber pribumi yang penting tentang Perang Paderi yang cenderung diabaikan sejarawan selama ini-mencatat, bagaimana kedua pihak bahu-membahu melawan Belanda.
Pihak-pihak yang semula bertentangan akhirnya bersatu melawan Belanda. Di ujung penyesalan muncul kesadaran, mengundang Belanda dalam konflik justru menyengsarakan masyarakat Minangkabau sendiri.
Dalam MTIB, terefleksi rasa penyesalan TIB atas tindakan kaum Paderi atas sesama orang Minang dan Mandailing. TIB sadar, perjuangannya sudah melenceng dari ajaran agama. "Adapun hukum Kitabullah banyaklah yang terlampau dek oleh kita. Bagaimana pikiran kita?" (Adapun banyak hukum Kitabullah yang sudah terlangkahi oleh kita. Bagaimana pikiran kalian?), tulis TIB dalam MTIB (hal 39).
Penyesalan dan perjuangan heroik TIB bersama pengikutnya melawan Belanda yang mengepung Bonjol dari segala jurusan selama sekitar enam bulan (16 Maret-17 Agustus 1837)-seperti rinci dilaporkan De Salis dalam Het einde Padri Oorlog: Het beleg en de vermeestering van Bondjol 1834-1837: Een bronnenpublicatie [Akhir Perang Paderi: Pengepungan dan Perampasan Bonjol 1834-1837; Sebuah Publikasi Sumber] (2004):
59-183-mungkin dapat dijadikan pertimbangan untuk memberi maaf bagi kesalahan dan kekhilafan yang telah diperbuat TIB.
Kini bangsa inilah yang harus menentukan, apakah TIB akan tetap ditempatkan atau diturunkan dari "tandu kepahlawanan nasional" yang telah "diarak" oleh generasi terdahulu bangsa ini dalam kolektif memori mereka.
Suryadi Dosen dan Peneliti pada Opleiding Talen en Culturen van Zuidoost-Azië en Oceanië, Universiteit Leiden, Belanda
Kompas - 10 November 2007
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